The approach of the June European Council, supposed to make the point on the "period of reflection" imposed after the failure of the French and Dutch referenda, the greatest caution remains on ways to revive European construction, and to break the deadlock a constitutional treaty now ratified by fifteen to twenty-five Member States.
Communication from the Commission to the European Council, may 10, does not disappoint in this regard, on the part of an institution designed to promote the European process, especially when the Member States are absent subscribers. As following from previous setbacks referendum, things work unfortunately Countdown: stunned, the Commission relies on the Member States, paralyzed themselves, to 46th on "the citizen", hypothetical figure whose preferences in European matters are inevitably deemed minimalists, despite all contrary signs.

The above communication from the Commission and entitled "An agenda for the citizen", and justice priority that Europe "produce results" without waiting for the eventual outcome of the institutional tangle. It cannot be disagreed with this approach, especially as the Commission recognises the also compelling need for an "institutional regulations" and leaves open the future of the Treaty. But it will seek in vain in its proposals the thread of a revival of Europe, while the settlement of the institutional problem is returned to an indefinite future.
On the fundamental issue of the new aims of the European project today, it is a word simple, synthetic, compelling and inspiring, capable to provide the equivalent of what Europe was the single market for the Delors Commission mid-1980s: to ensure that Europe remains an economic actor and significant policy in the world of the 21st century. The result is far from certain, especially if European leaders wasted three years to be afraid of their shadows.
With regard to the timing of a decision on the Treaty, the Commission indeed proposes push even the moment of truth: while the initially planned October 2006 appointment has already been delayed for a year waiting for the French presidential election, Brussels is now considering 2007 only one simple and vague "political declaration" of the Member States, that could pave the way for a subsequent resolution of the institutional problem.
The dilatory attitude cannot be justified by the priority to be given to the results from the reform of the institutions. Indeed, the report to the Greek Calends of a decision on the fate of the Constitutional Treaty introduces three major disadvantages:
uncertainty on this issue weighs heavily on the European agenda, and mortgage any stimulus;
the ability of Europe to "produce results" depends on the improvement of its functioning institutional and decision-making, main contribution of the Constitutional Treaty;
at a rate where the rest of the world is changing, nothing to suggest that time is working for the European construction.
Therefore, on the contrary, to accelerate the process. The Germany, who will assume the Presidency of the Union in the first half of 2007 has again with Angela Merkel of a true European leader. The Italy of Romano Prodi, also, will become a driving force in the revival of Europe. A number of Member States have suspended their ratification process are likely to reactivate with success in the coming months, if a positive dynamics is emerging.
Is the France, which will have the opportunity to regain his place late in Europe in a year. Without having any "plan B" to propose to its partners, this inevitably requires that it honors its signature on a treaty negotiated at length to 25, that represents an unquestionable progress on the Treaty of Nice currently in force as from the point of view of the Union of the national interest.
Any responsible candidate in the presidential election must take the risk of engaging in this sense among voters. Nicolas Sarkozy is the only one to do so, little or no, to this day. Socialist opponents will find it difficult to escape.
